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Mehrdad Khansari: The program that Reza Pahlavi announced today for the transitional period is inconsistent with his previous principles.
During the years when I was alongside Reza Pahlavi, he was a democratic individual and did not fight for the restoration of the "monarchy".
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Mehrdad Khansari: In the current situation, I do not see any alternative as practical in the short term.
The Islamic Republic is not on the verge of collapse.
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Mehrdad Khansari: The issue for which an agreement must be reached is the replacement of the sovereignty of Velayat (Guardianship of the Jurist) with the sovereignty of the people.
The sidelining of Ayatollah Khamenei has "discredited" (made ambiguous or tainted) the concept of Velayat (Guardianship of the Jurist).
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Mehrdad Khansari: Those who came with Khomeini and seized power diminished over time, and only 15-20 percent of them remain.
All the levers of power are in the hands of this 15-20 percent, and they run the country.
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Watch | Araqchi Reveals Details of the Agreement with the US; Ghalibaf, the Strait of Hormuz and the 14-Point Memorandum
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Mehrdad Khansari: In a situation that is neither war nor peace, the Islamic Republic is not more unstable.
Neither the Islamic Republic nor the US government wants to return to the battlefield.
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Mehrdad Khansari: A foreign attack harms the work of constructive political forces and creates conditions where many people, for national reasons, stand behind the system.
The attack on Iran was against international law.
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The selection of Mojtaba Khamenei as the leader of the Islamic Republic: what does it signify? An exclusive conversation with Mehrdad Khansari.
Mehrdad Khansari: The removal (or sidelining) of Ayatollah Khamenei has created a situation in which, if our nation is vigilant...
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Is the current dissatisfaction of the people similar to the dissatisfaction of the people in 1979?
Mehrdad Khansari: The nature of the current dissatisfaction of the people is different from the past.
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Mehrdad Khansari: The cause of the Shah's downfall was the dissatisfaction of the people.
The people wanted more political freedom, which was not available at that time.
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Mehrdad Khansari: The Shah was a dictator politically, but he was not a brutal dictator.
The Shah intervened in two areas: matters related to foreign policy and military matters and the defense of the country.
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Mehrdad Khansari: One of the differences between the rule of the Shah and the current rule is that the head of the country should not abandon his land.
During the time of the Shah, dissatisfaction could be curbed by providing financial facilities to the people.
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Is public dissatisfaction with the government a "historical repetition"? Exclusive interview with Mehrdad Khansari
Mehrdad Khansari: Our country, at the time when Mohammad Reza Shah came to the throne, was a poor country.
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Mojtaba Khamenei and the New Architecture of Power; Will the Third Generation of the Islamic Republic Be Consolidated? A Conversation with Hassan Etemadi, Political Analyst.
It is very clear that the Islamic Republic is at one of the most sensitive historical junctures. Therefore, we are going to discuss an issue that is important for the future of Iran, and the topic of our conversation is the structure of power in Iran. We know that after the attacks that took place in recent months, and after the killing of Ayatollah Khamenei and the transfer of leadership in a very strange and extraordinary process to his son, Mojtaba Khamenei, many now believe that the Islamic Republic has entered its third generation. Although to this day, we have not seen any live voice, image, photo, or even a live signature from the new leader. Has Iran entered the era of a military-security government? And can the new architecture of power stabilize the Islamic Republic system and the nascent system of Mojtaba Khamenei, or will new crises arise?
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What is the biggest weakness of the Islamic Republic? Exclusive interview with Mehrdad Khansari
Mehrdad Khansari: The biggest weakness of the Islamic Republic is the lack of development and the creation of public dissatisfaction.
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The Islamic Republic has made extensive use of the experiences of "1957".
The skill he had in construction, he did not have in "crisis management".
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Watch | The Third Leader, War, and the Future of Iran; Is Reza Pahlavi the most important alternative to the Islamic Republic? In a conversation with Mehrdad Khansari, former diplomat and political analyst.
History is a testing ground for power, and in this testing ground, nations have repeatedly faced similar questions: when a political system enters a phase of erosion, or when for many it becomes conditional and reform is no longer enough, and for many the question arises as to when the survival of a government becomes its greatest issue, and more importantly, for many the question arises as to when the future separates from the past. Today, Iran is in one of the most sensitive periods of its contemporary history: the American and Israeli attack and the war that has changed the equations of the region, the killing of the second leader of the Islamic Republic, the emergence of the third leader of the Islamic Republic, changes in the balance of power within the establishment, the increasing role of security and military institutions, the intensification of political rifts, the current negotiations with the United States, and simultaneously, the return of the discussion of alternatives to the center of attention, and the return to a question that has loomed over Iranian politics for decades: Will the Islamic Republic pass through this historical turning point? If not, how will Iran's future be shaped?
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Hossein Bayat: In such an emergency situation, there is no authorization for the government to become "self-satisfied" or "pleased with itself."
If the government continues its practice of raids, imprisonments, and house arrests, what we were worried about happening through a foreign attack will instead occur through "social collapse."
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Hossein Bayat: Fundamental rights have always come into conflict with the ideological foundations of the Islamic Republic.
We are in an emergency situation in which the law is not observed.
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Is the Islamic Republic in an "emergency" condition? Hossein Bayat responds.
Hossein Bayat: When the leader of the Islamic Republic is assassinated in the first second of the war, it means we are naturally in an emergency situation.
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Hossein Bayat: Given the conditions in which the Islamic Republic finds itself, it cannot and does not want to be a defender of "fundamental rights."
The theoretical foundations of the Islamic Republic are fraught with conflict and contradiction.
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Hossein Bayat: The discussion of "transition" is currently ruled out.
If there is to be a discussion of "transition," then the issue of "war" — which has already been defeated — must be raised again.
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Shaghayegh Norouzi addressing Reza Pahlavi: You never understood what happened to your father and grandfather.
If you had understood, you wouldn't have relied one bit on foreign interference!
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Shaghayegh Norouzi: The instrumental view of popular forces in both the current establishment and the opposition is similar to each other.
The binary of "people vs. government" is wrong and has led to war.
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Shaghayegh Norouzi: I didn't think the current system's capability to fight in the war would be this much.
It cannot be said that those who are involved in the country's defense mechanism are necessarily the same people who suppressed the people in January
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Watch | The Third Leader, War, and the Future of Iran; Is Reza Pahlavi the most important alternative to the Islamic Republic? In a conversation with Mehrdad Khansari, former diplomat and political analyst.
Watch on the Abdi Media YouTube channel.
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Shaghayegh Norouzi: Right now, an authoritarian current has been created outside the borders of Iran.
Outside the country, the level of violence has risen so high that anyone who speaks "anti-war" cannot feel safe.
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Shaghayegh Norouzi: A Significant Portion of the Iranian People Are Desperately Seeking a Way Out of the Current Situation
Under these circumstances, someone like Reza Pahlavi can become "sacralized."
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Shaqayegh Norouzi: I Do Not View Reza Pahlavi's Movement as a Revolution
They Lack the Authenticity, Foundations, and Ideals of a Genuine Revolution
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Shaqayegh Norouzi: Pahlavi Is Neither Aligned with His Father's Model of Governance Nor with the Ideals for Which the People Have Struggled
The Pahlavi model of governance is based on a paternalistic and patriarchal style of rule.
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Shagaig Nowrozi: The opposition abroad has not protected a decent culture for Iran
Free speech lives in safety
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Shaghayegh Norouzi: The media carried out the war operation exceptionally well.
This entire affair of war is a "business."
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Shaghayegh Norouzi: Pahlavi bears significant responsibility for the events of the month of Dey because he knows the regime wrongfully fires upon protesters.
In no movement have we had such facilitation for the issue of mass killing.
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Shaghayegh Norouzi: A Popular Uprising Turned Into a Bridge Between Two Wars
This creature and her entire campaign view the existence of the Iranian human through a consumerist lens.
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Shaghayegh Norouzi: December was one of the most tragic events in Iran’s contemporary history.
In December, an additional layer was added to the government's repression, and that was due to the role played by Pahlavi.
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Shaghayegh Norouzi: Repression inside the country has led some people to accept war as a path for change.
The "dead ends" were translated into "insoluble" issues for the people
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Shaghayegh Norouzi: People who have experienced “discrimination” are more prone to being “protesters.”
We need people who can stand against the waves.
Shaghayegh Norouzi: The theory that we should ignore all our standards simply because we oppose a political system is incorrect.
The path ahead does not lead to liberation.
Mohsen Sazegara: Leadership by a single individual in our society is neither feasible nor desirable.
Individual leadership is not desirable because such an event occurred in the Islamic Revolution.
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Watch | War against Iran and its effects on fundamental rights; does war justify the suspension of citizens’ constitutional rights? A conversation with Dr. Hossein Bayat.
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