With Mr. Aliev, we went to the cooler manufacturing factory. It is very large. It produces four hundred thousand gas coolers annually. He has worked for twenty years and said that 90 percent of the materials are imported from abroad. They also have a market in Iran, but 75 percent of it is consumed in the former Soviet republics.
Accompanied by Mr. Aliyev, we visited an air-conditioner manufacturing plant. It is quite expansive, producing 400,000 air-conditioning units annually. It has been in operation for twenty years, and I was told that 90 percent of its materials are imported from abroad. While they do have a market in Iran, 75 percent of their output is consumed within the former Soviet republics. This factory, too, was established by Mr. Aliyev with the support of Brezhnev.
From there, we proceeded to the Azerbaijan Academy of Sciences. The president and the directors welcomed us and provided an overview of the institution. A ceremony was held in the hall to confer upon me honorary membership in the Academy and to present Azerbaijan’s highest academic distinction, in recognition of my contributions in the scientific, political, and humanitarian spheres. The president of the Academy, Mr. Aliyev, as well as representatives for the poets and musicians, delivered speeches; while praising both me and Iran, they shared insightful remarks regarding the Islamic Revolution and the cooperation between our two nations. I also delivered an extensive address. The atmosphere was filled with genuine emotion, and the reception was exceptionally warm. The vice-president of the Academy was a distinguished woman who, I was told, holds advanced degrees in both medicine and philosophy.
We returned to our residence and participated in a meeting attended by our delegation and members of the press. Fourteen cooperation agreements were signed. Afterward, we answered questions from journalists during a joint press conference. We then had lunch together. Following lunch, I retired to rest and perform my prayers. We had planned to visit an offshore platform construction facility in the Caspian Sea, but we decided against it due to a lack of time and the rain. Mehdi and Mr. Aghazadeh, however, did go; they toured the facility and spoke highly of its immense scale. They are capable of constructing drilling and production platforms for use at sea depths of up to 300 meters—a significant capability.
Aliyev mentioned that the platform-manufacturing plant was acquired from the United States in the past—with the support of Brezhnev—at a cost of 400 million dollars. We proposed that we, too, might utilize it—whether through a partnership, a contracting arrangement, or by leasing it. Over dinner, we reached an agreement to extend the railway line from Astrakhan to Astara, in Iran. Prime Minister Surat Huseynov also joined us; we exchanged pleasantries. It appears a rift has developed between him and Aliyev, and Aliyev intends to remove him from his post. Although Huseynov helped him rise to power, Aliyev no longer trusts him. At the last moment, we were informed that shelling had broken out in Zangilan; it was decided that we would follow up on this. They are clearly at their wit's end and are insisting that the war be brought to a halt, at any cost.
Throughout the various movements and site visits, the President accompanied me, providing ample opportunity for us to converse while traveling in the car. Our ambassador, who was always with us, served as an excellent and reliable interpreter. It is noteworthy that their trust in our ambassador was so profound that they felt comfortable discussing highly sensitive, confidential matters in his presence.
One of the significant points he repeatedly raised was that Iran should seize the opportunity presented by the war with the Armenians to expand its presence in Azerbaijan. At times, he even remarked that this territory once belonged to Iran, suggesting that we should now step in to defend and administer it. While in Nakhchivan, he expressed similar sentiments, arguing that if Iran were to bring Azerbaijan under its control, Russian hegemony across the entire Caucasus would be shaken. He would sometimes say that Iran and Azerbaijan, acting together, could push Russia all the way back to its original borders—noting that Dagestan, Tatarstan, Chechnya, Ingushetia, and Ossetia are all dissatisfied with Russian rule. However, he cautioned that since these regions have adopted such stances out of desperation in their conflicts and due to Russia’s support for the Armenians, they cannot be fully trusted. This is especially true given that, according to Mr. Niyazov, these entities align with Russian interests within the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and regarding the legal status of the Caspian Sea.
He also expressed criticism toward Mr. Niyazov, remarking that he was increasingly beginning to resemble Shah Sultan [a reference to a despotic, self-aggrandizing ruler]. To support this, he pointed to the erection of statues, the naming of places after himself, excessive praise in the media, and the elimination of political opponents—much like the situation described regarding Mr. Nazarbayev. In truth, these observations are not entirely unfounded. He further believed that Zionist Jews were the driving force behind the events unfolding in Russia. Overall, he is more astute and experienced than the other presidents, yet he struggles with the governance of Azerbaijan, choosing to attribute all the country’s problems to the Popular Front.
We departed for Tehran, receiving an official send-off. We arrived at dusk, where an official welcome and an extensive interview took place in the Republic Pavilion at the airport. We then headed home. It was raining; the downpour had begun around noon. In Azerbaijan, too, the rain had started the previous night.
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