Home/PoliticsIran at a Crossroads: Scenarios for the Aftermath of an Unfinished War. This war may not overthrow the Islamic Republic, but it could create something far more dangerous.Read7 minutes -Monday 2026/05/04 - 14:05News Code:24635Share In this note, I have examined the scenarios for the aftermath of an unfinished war. Read my analytical article in The Liberty Bulletin.Read my analysis in The Liberty Bulletin:https://thelibertybulletin.com/article/iran-at-the-crossroads-scenarios-for-the-morning-after-an-unfinished-warIran at a Crossroads: Scenarios for the Aftermath of an Unfinished WarThis war may not overthrow the Islamic Republic, but it could create something far more dangerous.Persian translation of an analytical article by Abdollah Abdi in The Liberty BulletinSome wars change borders. Others collapse political systems. And some transform the strategic geography of a region for generations. The ongoing war between the Islamic Republic, the United States, and Israel has the potential to trigger all three simultaneously, which is exactly what makes it uniquely dangerous.However, much of the existing analysis is based on a false dichotomy: either the system collapses, or it remains unchanged. The reality of Iran is far more complex. The power structure in Tehran is not a single pillar that falls with one blow; rather, it is a multi-layered network of overlapping institutions: from the Office of the Leader to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), from the Supreme National Security Council to parallel intelligence apparatuses, and from semi-governmental economic networks to clerical authority. This complexity is not a weakness; it is precisely the factor that increases the likelihood of miscalculation.The question that Washington and its allies continue to evade is simple yet decisive: What happens the day after this war? If the Islamic Republic is weakened or even if it remains, what will replace the current balance of power? And will that outcome truly serve the strategic interests of the West?Without an answer to this question, tactical successes could turn into strategic failure.The Illusion of a Short WarThe first and most persistent illusion is that Iran resembles Iraq in 2003—a fragile state that collapses under external pressure. This is not the case.Iran is a country of 85 million people with a vast and complex geography. Mountain ranges, deserts, and dense urban networks create conditions that make any long-term military occupation extremely difficult. More importantly, the Islamic Republic is not an isolated regime; it possesses a structured and mobilizable social base.The second illusion is that the IRGC can be disabled merely through air power. For four decades, this institution has prepared for exactly the opposite scenario: asymmetric warfare, decentralized networks, and survival under continuous attacks. Its doctrine is not built on winning classical battles, but on attrition and endurance against the enemy.The third illusion is the most dangerous of all: the belief that military success automatically leads to political change. Recent experiences show the contrary.From Tactical Achievements to Strategic DeadlockEven if a ground operation occurs—which remains unlikely but not impossible—its initial stages might appear successful. Capturing strategic islands in the Persian Gulf, applying pressure from multiple fronts on Iran's western borders, and achieving air superiority could all create an initial advantage.But this is precisely where the path of history changes.The Iraq War followed a similar path: rapid advancement, symbolic victory, and then years of costly attrition. Iran, however, is a far more complex case—not only because of its geography and military structure but also due to its greater internal cohesion compared to Saddam’s Iraq.A prolonged ground war could lead to tens of thousands of American casualties and costs in the trillions of dollars. But beyond the numbers, there is a more fundamental question: What does victory actually mean?Real Levers of EscalationMuch of the debate has focused on missiles and military strikes. However, far less attention has been paid to the infrastructure that could truly change the course of the war.The Strait of Hormuz remains one of the most vital bottlenecks in the world's energy system. Any serious disruption, whether through naval mining or attacks on regional energy infrastructure, could drive oil prices to levels that destabilize not just markets, but political systems.In the United States, energy prices translate directly into political pressure. A rise in gasoline prices quickly becomes a domestic crisis. Tehran understands this equation well. Targeting energy infrastructure is not merely a retaliatory act; it is a tool of leverage.But there is an even more fragile vulnerability.The Gulf states, including Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Qatar, Kuwait, and Bahrain, rely almost entirely on desalination plants for their water supply. In some cases, more than 90% of drinking water is provided by these facilities.Cities like Riyadh, Jeddah, Abu Dhabi, Dubai, Doha, Kuwait City, and Manama cannot survive without this infrastructure. Emergency reserves usually last only a few days.In extreme heat, a water cutoff is not just a crisis; it is the collapse of a system.If these facilities are targeted, the region will face a humanitarian disaster unprecedented in its modern history. This is a scenario rarely discussed, yet it is strategically decisive.The People FactorAny analysis that ignores Iranian society is incomplete.In recent weeks, one reality has become increasingly clear: the system still has a mobilizable social base. Not a majority, but a significant and organized minority.At the same time, Iranian society is not a simple bipolarity. It consists of three segments: loyal supporters, active opponents, and a large, decisive "middle body"—those who do not want the system but fear instability more than they fear change.This "grey" majority will ultimately determine the future of Iran. And it does not trust foreign actors.No military intervention can substitute for legitimacy. Without legitimacy, any imposed change can lead to a power vacuum—and vacuums rarely end in stability.The Mojtaba Khamenei VariableAt the center of all scenarios sits a relatively unexamined figure: Mojtaba Khamenei.He has been almost entirely absent from the public political sphere, yet he is recognized as the most likely successor to the leadership. This ambiguity has been politically useful so far, but in post-war conditions, it becomes a strategic uncertainty.Two decisions will define his role:Whether he maintains the religious ban on nuclear weapons.Whether he shifts the domestic balance of power—meaning, transferring authority from security institutions to formal governance structures.If he chooses the path of political opening, releasing prisoners, and holding competitive elections, he could mobilize a large portion of society behind a controlled transition. However, there is little evidence for such a path.The Myth of the Spanish TransitionThe idea that Iran could follow a path similar to post-Franco Spain is attractive but deeply misleading.The Spanish transition relied on three structural conditions: consensus among elites, succession with independent institutional authority, and a supportive international environment. Iran has none of these conditions.The IRGC holds vast economic and political power and has no incentive to accept a transition that limits its role. The ability of a future leader to curb this power is uncertain. Furthermore, the international environment does not offer incentives similar to those Spain had.If a transition occurs, it will more likely resemble Pakistan after Zia-ul-Haq: a hybrid system where outward political change masks a deeper continuity of power.Nuclear LogicThe question is not whether Iran wants nuclear weapons. The question is whether post-war conditions make this option a rational choice.For countries under constant threat, nuclear deterrence is not an ideological issue; it is a strategic choice. The experiences of Libya, Iraq, and North Korea have been fully observed by Iran's security apparatus.What previously constrained this path was a religious decree against weapons of mass destruction. Now, this constraint is in a state of uncertainty.If this barrier is weakened, even indirectly, the path to a nuclear program becomes much more probable.If the Islamic Republic survives this war, a paradox emerges: the attempt to contain it may create the very conditions that lead to a nuclear Iran.What Lies Ahead?Three general paths lie ahead:The system remains, but becomes more militarized and introverted.A limited and controlled transition changes the structure's appearance but preserves the core of power.Or, the system fractures without a reliable successor, and instability takes the place of reform.None of these scenarios can be engineered from the outside.ConclusionForeign powers can shape the battlefield, but they cannot determine the political future that follows.That future will be shaped by the interaction of three factors: the internal power structure in Iran, the leadership that takes control after the war, and a society that has not yet decided what it will accept.Between what military force can achieve and what it cannot is exactly where the fate of this war is decided.And at its center lies an inevitable choice:The survival of the regime, or the survival of the country.The two are not necessarily the same. Take less than a minute, register and share your opinion under this post.Insulting or inciting messages will be deleted.Sign UpComming Up Next Mr. Nabavian, greetings. Is the decision to negotiate or not, and the continuation of war, not within the Leader's authority? Can anyone, even during the current Leader's time, undertake such a task independently without his permission and approval?خواندن 1 minute This time, too... although the reality and details of these days' events will never—at least not anytime soon—be made public by any of the three involved countries.خواندن 1 minute I recommend reading the second volume of the memoirs of Javad Mansouri, the then-Deputy Foreign Minister and former Ambassador of the Islamic Republic of Iran to Pakistan. It narrates, very concisely and accurately, the dependence and depth of Pakistan'sخواندن 0 It is better to go in front of the Secretariat of the Supreme National Security Council; the rest are not in charge.خواندن 1 minute We will realize many, many other things once this crisis ends; for now, we are in the heat of the moment.خواندن 1 minuteMost ReadMemories of Akbar Hashemi - February 20, 2000 - Meeting with Abdullah Jasbi and Concerns About Election ResultsMovie / Where is Commander Morteza Talaie?Akbar Hashemi's memoirs - 1999 September 10 - The two-person political negotiations with Vaez Tabasi continued until he was escorted to Tehran, where Hashemi apparently decided to seriously participate in the sixth parliamentary elections.The records of the recent periods of the Islamic Council showed that the parliament is not in charge of affairs and cannot interfere or pass resolutions on the authority of the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces at any level, let alone supervise.What will be the future of Iran with the announced candidates for the presidential election? / Conversation with Dr. Taghi Azad AramakiCan I feel tired with you?A Basiji veterinarian was appointed head of the health network instead of an otolaryngologist.Akbar Hashemi's memoirs - 1999 September 5 - The meeting of the senior managers of the judiciary with Hashemi Rafsanjani and their complaint about the neglect of Hashemi Shahroudi, the new head of the judiciary, continues.Memories of Akbar Hashemi - 1999 September 7 - In continuation of the efforts of the late Vaez Tabasi, who used to encourage Hashemi to participate in the elections in frequent meetings, this time he also met with Hashemi.Akbar Hashemi's memories - 1999 September 9 - Continued visits to the belongings, buildings and works of Astan Quds